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Crossing the River Neckar, Marlborough marched in a south-eastern direction to Mundelshene, where he had his first
personal interview with Prince Eugene, who was destined to be his colleague on so many glorious fields. Thence, through a difficult and dangerous
country, Marlborough continued his march against the Bavarians, whom he encountered on the 2d of July on the heights of the Schullenberg, near
Donauwert. Marlborough stormed their intrenched camp, crossed the Danube, took several strong places in Bavaria, and made himself completely
master of the elector's dominions, except the fortified cities of Munich and Augsburg.
But the elector's army, though defeated at Donauwert, was still numerous and strong; and at last
Marshal Tallard, when thoroughly apprised of the real nature of Marlborough's movements, crossed the Rhine; and being suffered, through the
supineness of the German general at Stollhoffen, to march without loss through the Black Forest, he united his powerful army at Biberbach, near
Augsburg, with that of the elector and the French troops under Marshal Marsin, who had previously co-operating with the
Bavarians.
On the other hand, Marlborough recrossed the Danube, and on the 11th of August united his army with the
Imperialist forces under Prince Eugene. The combined armies occupied a position near Hochstadt, a little higher up the left bank of the Danube
than Donauwert, the scene of Marlborough's recent victory and almost exactly on the ground where Marshal Villars and the elector had defeated an
Austrian army in the preceding year.
The French marshals and the elector were now in position a little farther to the east, between Blenheim
and Lutzingen, and with the little stream of the Nebel between them and the troops of Marlborough and Eugene. The Gallo-Bavarian army consisted
of about sixty thousand men, and they had sixty-one pieces of artillery. The army of the allies was about fifty-six thousand strong, with
fifty-two guns.
Although the French army of Italy had been unable to penetrate into Austria, and although the masterly
strategy of Marlborough had hitherto warded off the destruction with which the cause of the allies seemed menaced at the beginning of the
campaign, the peril was still more serious. It was absolutely necessary for Marlborough to attack the enemy before Villeroy should be roused into
action.
There was nothing to stop that general and his army from marching into Franconia, whence the allies
drew their principal supplies; and besides thus distressing them, he might, by marching on and joining his army to those of Tallard and the
elector, form a mass which would overwhelm the force under Marlborough and Eugene. On the other hand, the chances of a battle seemed perilous,
and the fatal consequences of a defeat were certain.
The disadvantage of the allies in point of number was not very great, but still it was not to be
disregarded and the advantage, which the enemy seemed to have in the composition of their troops, was striking. Tallard and Marsin had forty-five
thousand Frenchmen under them, all veterans and all trained to act together. the elector's own troops also were good soldiers. Marlborough, like
Wellington at Waterloo, headed an army, of which the larger proportion consisted not of English, but of men of many different nations and many
different languages. He was also obliged to be the assailant in the action, and thus to expose his troops to comparatively heavy loss at the
commencement of the battle, while the enemy would fight under the protection of the villages and lines which they were actively engaged in
strengthening.
The consequences of a defeat of the confederated army must have broken up the Grand Alliance, and
realized the proudest hopes of the French king. Mr. Alison, in his admirable military history of the Duke of Marlborough, has truly stated the
effects which would have taken place if France had been successful in the war; and when the position of the confederates at the time when
Blenheim was fought is remembered-when we recollect the exhaustion of Austria, the menacing insurrection of Hungary, the feuds and jealousies of
the German princes, the strength and activity of the Jacobite party in England, and the imbecility of nearly all the Dutch statesmen of the time,
and the weakness of Holland if deprived of her allies, we may adopt his words in speculating on what would have ensued if France had been
victorious in the battle, and "if a power, animated by the ambition, guided by the fanaticism, and directed by the ability of that of Louis XIV.,
had gained the ascendency in Europe.
Beyond all question, a universal despotic dominion would have been established over the bodies, a cruel
spiritual thraldom over the minds, of men. France and Spain united under Bourbon princes and in a close family alliance, the empire of
Charlemagne, with that of Charles V., the power which revoked the Edict of Nantes and perpetrated the massacre of St. Bartholomew, with that
which banished the Moriscoes and established the Inquisition, would have proved irresistible, and beyond example destructive to the best
interests of mankind.
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