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The plain of Marathon, which is about twenty-two miles distant from Athens, lies along the bay
of the same name on the northeastern coast of Attica. The plain is nearly in the form of a crescent, and about six miles in length. It is
about two miles broad in the centre, where the space between the mountains and the sea is greatest, but it narrows toward either extremity,
the mountains coming close down to the water at the horns of the bay. There is a valley trending inward from the middle of the plain, and a
ravine comes down to it to the southward. Elsewhere it is closely girt round on the land side by rugged limestone mountains, which are
thickly studded with pines, olive-trees and cedars, and overgrown with the myrtle, arbutus, and the other low odoriferous shrubs that
everywhere perfume the Attic air. The mound raised over those who fell in the battle now varies the level of the ground, but it was an
unbroken plain when the Persians encamped on it. There are marshes at each end, which are dry in spring and summer and then offer no
obstruction to the horseman, but are commonly flooded with rain and so rendered impracticable for cavalry in the autumn, the time of year
at which the action took place.
The Greeks, lying encamped on the mountains, could watch every
movement of the Persians on the plain below, whi1e they were enabled completely to mask their own. Miltiades also had, from his position, the
power of giving battle whenever he pleased, or of delaying it at his discretion, unless Datis were to attempt the perilous operation of
storming the heights.
If we turn to the map of the Old World, to test the comparative
territorial resources of the two states whose armies were now about to come into conflict, the immense preponderance of the material power of
the Persian king over that of the Athenian republic is more striking than any similar contrast which history can supply. It has been truly
remarked that, in estimating mere areas, Attica, containing on its whole surface only seven hundred square miles, shrinks into insignificance
if compared with many a baronial fief of the Middle Ages, or many a colonial allotment of modern times. Its antagonist, the Persian Empire,
comprised the whole of modern Asiatic and much of modern European Turkey, the modern kingdom of Persia, and the countries of modem Georgia,
Armenia, Balkh, the Punjaub, Afghanistan, Beloochistan, Egypt, and Tripoli.
Nor could a European, in the beginning of the fifth century before
our era, look upon this huge accumulation of power beneath the scepter of a single Asiatic ruler with the Indifference with which we now
observe on the map the extensive dominions of modern Oriental sovereigns; for, as has been already remarked, before Marathon was fought, the
prestige of success and of supposed superiority of race was on the side of the Asiatic against the European. Asia was the original seat of
human societies, and long before any trace can be found of the inhabitants of the rest of the world having emerged from the rudest barbarism,
we can perceive that mighty and brilliant empires flourished in the Asiatic continent. They appear before us through the twilight of primeval
history, dim and indistinct, but massive and majestic, like mountains in the early dawn.
Instead, however, of the infinite variety and restless change which
has characterized the institutions and fortunes of European states ever since the commencement of the civilization of our continent, a
monotonous uniformity pervades the histories of nearly all Oriental empires, from the most ancient down to the most recent times. They are
characterized by the rapidity of their early conquests, by the immense extent of the dominions comprised in them, by the establishment of a
satrap or pashew system of governing the provinces, by an invariable and speedy degeneracy in the princes of the royal house, the effeminate
nurslings of the seraglio succeeding to the warrior sovereigns reared in the camp, and by the internal anarchy and insurrections which
indicate and accelerate the decline and fall of these unwieldy and ill-organized fabrics of power.
It is also a striking fact that the governments of all the great
Asiatic empires have in all ages been absolute despotisms and Heeren is right in connecting this with another great fact, which is important
from its influence both on the political and the social life of Asiatics. "Among all the considerable nations of Inner Asia, the paternal
government of every household was corrupted by polygamy. Where that custom exists, a good political constitution is impossible. Fathers, being
converted into domestic despots, are ready to pay the same abject obedience to their sovereign which they exact from their family and
dependents in their domestic economy.” We should bear in mind, also, the inseparable connection between the state religion and all legislation
which has always prevailed in the East, and the constant existence of a powerful sacerdotal body, exercising some check, though precarious and
irregular, over the throne itself, grasping at all civil administration, claiming the supreme control of education, stereotyping the lines in
which literature and science must move, and limiting the extent to which it shall be lawful for the human mind to prosecute its
inquiries.
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